This week's Life Matters® Blog comes from our supporter and guest blogger, Yamar Dione.
Just two weeks ago, on the 18th July, MPs approved a group of amendments to the Northern Ireland (Executive Formation) Bill from the House of Lords. The people of Northern Ireland have less than twelve weeks to stop the introduction of arguably one of the world’s most extreme abortion regimes to the province.
On demand, for any reason
The amendments aim to implement abortion on demand, for any reason, up to 28-weeks, if Stormont (the Northern Ireland Assembly) does not reconvene by the 21st October. This would include abortions for any disability including cleft palates, the abortion of children based upon gender, as well as partially induced birth terminations. The requirement for a doctor to be present will not even be compulsory. Babies born alive will be left to die and there is no mention of any law to prevent coercion into abortion and not a suggestion of prosecution of men who spike women’s food with abortion pills.
Without legal restriction
If these amendments take place in Northern Ireland it would be without legal restriction on where abortions can be performed. In England and Wales, the Abortion Act (1967) currently allows abortion to be carried out in hospitals or clinics approved by the Secretary of State. If this safeguard were to be removed this would allow for a surge of private abortion clinics for profit in Northern Ireland as well as the scope for mail-order abortion pills to be accessed upon demand.
Furthermore, manual vacuum aspiration abortions could become commonplace procedures in school nurse clinics, where said nurses would be afforded the authority to distribute abortion pills to pregnant girls without informing parents or guardians.
History repeating itself
The reason this is all so concerning is because history is repeating itself. When Bernard Nathanson lobbied for abortion in the run up to Roe vs. Wade (1973) he never dreamed of the numbers of abortions that would become a reality nor the reasons for the procurement of most abortions, stating “abortion is now being used as a primary method of birth control in the U.S., and the annual number of abortions has increased by 1,500 percent (in 1979) since legalization.”
Whilst we absorb and ponder these statistics from a prolifer who once oversaw 75,000 abortions, we realise the extent to which decriminalisation gets out of hand. This was not just the case in the United States. Lord David Steel, the architect of the legislation that liberalised abortion in Britain, has admitted that he “never envisaged there would be so many abortions.”
Caitríona Ruane as an MLA (Member of the Legislative Assembly) for Sinn Féin in 2016 said the party opposed the extension of the Abortion Act 1967 to Northern Ireland. She continued, “however, we believe that in cases of rape, or sexual crime or when a pregnant woman’s life is in danger, the option of termination should be available”…“Our policy also reflects the view that termination of pregnancy should be available to those who choose to avail of it in situations of fatal foetal abnormality,” added Ms Ruane. But this is a far cry from the reality that has been proposed as a result of the aforementioned amendments less than two weeks ago.
As abortion liberalisation historically has led to exponential increases in the practice of abortion, it is an ominous sign yet again repeating itself.
Polling has shown that many in the UK are opposed to late term abortion, and the appetite of the majority is to reduce the current time limit. Summarised in the Spectator, “on the most important issue, the period during which abortion is legal, there’s a large majority – 7 in 10 women – in favour of reducing the time-limit, with nearly six in ten in favour of a limit of 16 weeks or fewer.” However the new legislation that has been covertly pushed through doesn’t reflect this at all. This leaves us to ask ourselves why has something been disguised and edged into motion and could it carry parameters that would surely be mirrored in legislation here in England?
My conclusion is, that as quickly and silently as the laws have drastically been changed in Ireland, and much to the ignorance of the public, the same is what is intended by the extreme abortion lobby for the entirety of the United Kingdom.